Revisiting Racial Violence in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination: The Right to Life and Deaths in Custody

Recent practices have signified a shift to viewing deaths in custody as violations of human rights, particularly the right to life under Article 6 of the ICCPR. This post examines an often forgotten element of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and suggests it — through the domestic legislative vehicle of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) — has an important role to play in viewing other deaths in custody. 

The longstanding search for legal remedies for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander deaths in custody has maintained pace in recent months. The family of Dunghutti man David Dungay Junior, who died in custody at Long Bay Prison in 2015 after being restrained, indicated they would lodge a complaint to the UN Human Rights Committee (UNHRC). In their complaint, they allege the guards failed to protect Dungay’s right to life under article 6 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Australia has failed to implement recommendations of the landmark 1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody.

This is not the first time that the UNHRC has been asked to consider human rights violations in the context of deaths in custody in Australia. The family of Kamilaroi boy TJ Hickey who died during a police pursuit in Redfern during 2004 had also lodged a complaint alleging, amongst other things, that Hickey’s right to life had been violated. In Hickey v Australia, the UNHRC ultimately decided the communication was inadmissible under article 5(2)(b) of the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR because the author had failed to exhaust domestic remedies including lodging anti-discrimination complaints under the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) (RDA) or state statutory equivalents. It is not clear whether the Dungay family have lodged any anti-discrimination claims under domestic law. Professor Hilary Charlesworth has described the requirement that parties exhaust domestic remedies as ‘fairly demanding’ (see Indigenous Peoples, the United Nations and Human Rights), particularly because complainants have legal options under both state and federal anti-discrimination regimes.  

The relationship between domestic anti-discrimination law and physically violent conduct with a racial basis is an uncharted field in Australia. By contrast, in the United States, physical violence with a racial basis is routinely conceived of as a civil rights violation. In November 2019, Constable Zachary Rolfe fatally shot Warlpiri man Kumanjayi Walker in Yuendumu in the Northern Territory. Although media attention has focused on the criminal implications of the shooting, particularly as Rolfe currently stands trial for manslaughter, a more subtle development has occurred in the background. Walker’s extended family filed a complaint with the Australian Human Rights Commission alleging racial discrimination by the police in the lead-up to Walker’s death. 

From an international law perspective, this is significant for three key reasons. First, and broadly, racial discrimination law directs courts to take into account international law considerations (see, for example,  section 9(2) of the RDA). This is unsurprising. To ensure  the RDA was within the scope of the constitutional external affairs power, the Whitlam government directly transposed significant swathes of the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) into domestic law. This is exemplified by section 9(1) of the RDA which incorporates ICERD’s definition of ‘racial discrimination’ in article 1(1) verbatim. Critically, RDA section 9(1) also includes the words ‘it is unlawful for a person to do any act involving …’ thereby giving the definition an explicit operative effect as follows: 

It is unlawful for a person to do any act involving a distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of any human right or fundamental freedom in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life. 

The close fidelity of section 9(1) to its source has led some to bemoan the difficulty of giving effect to RDA section 9(1). Former Solicitor-General Maurice Byers, flagging its ‘generality’, recommended its deletion from the final Racial Discrimination Bill in 1975 (RD Bill). The drafters of ICERD article 1(1) never intended the provision to have operative effect; rather it was simply designed as a broad and open-textured definition of racial discrimination. Nonetheless, former Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia, Harry Gibbs, described the RDA as ‘what appears to be a bill of rights’. In Gerhardy v Brown , Justice Brennan described the human rights question in RDA section 9 as not rights and freedoms under a particular legal system but ‘rights and freedoms which every legal system ought to recognise and observe’. A result is that racial discrimination cases have been an essential way in which Australian courts have been required to confront international sources of law to give meaning to the RDA. To take one example amongst many, in Iliafi v The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saintsthe full bench of the Federal Court of Australia considered the general recommendations of the United Nations CERD Committee as well as UNHRC jurisprudence in determining violations of the ICCPR 

Second, an RDA claim in circumstances of physical violence goes to a fundamental aspect of ICERD which has fallen to the wayside in Australian public debates, namely the obligation under article 4(1) that requires states parties to: 

… [D]eclare an offence punishable by law all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group of persons of another colour or ethnic origin, and also the provision of any assistance to racist activities, including the financing thereof … (emphasis added)

A keen-eyed observer who followed the loud public debates surrounding section 18C of the RDA in the last two decades (see, for example, Eatock v Bolt and Prior v Queensland University of Technology) would recognise that part of article 4(1) has already been given statutory expression in the RDA’s Part IIA vilification provisions. As for physical violence, hate crime offences have been legislated at the state level but the provisions are rarely used. When they are used, prosecutions have arguably been ‘botch[ed]’. In this context, what is novel about the Walker complaint is that the RDA has never been utilised to redress physical violence preceding a death in custody. As Article 4(1) requires states parties to legislate an ‘offence’, the possibility that the RDA might supply a civil remedy for physical violence has largely been overlooked, even though racial violence nonetheless threatens discrimination law’s concern for substantive equality. Indeed, earlier drafts of the RDA in 1973 had included provisions making ‘racial violence’ unlawful with a penalty of $1,000 or 6 months imprisonment (see RD Bill 1973), however these provisions were removed from the final bill.  

Finally, using the RDA in this context reflects the unique concern in section 9(1) for human rights. Unlike all other federal and state anti-discrimination statutes, section 9(1) defines the scope of discrimination according to the purpose or effect of conduct on the enjoyment of human rights. As the ‘human rights’ in section 9(1) incorporate rights in article 5 of ICERD, as well as rights under other conventions to which Australia is party (see section 9(4)), it provides an effective vehicle through which human rights considerations can be analysed. Deaths in custody, like Walker’s, can be seen through the lens of an ‘unresolved human rights issue’.  

As recent practice has shown, there are very potent reasons for examining deaths in custody using first-generation fundamental rights like the right to life. This analytical frame provides another means of reviewing excessive use of force and the lack of custodial care which are patterns found across numerous deaths in custody (see, further, The Guardian Deaths Inside Database). For example, Wiradjuri man Dwayne Johnstone was fatally shot three times by a New South Wales Corrective Services Officer whilst attempting to escape custody, despite being in handcuffs and ankle cuffs. Further, the negative component of the right to life prohibits the arbitrary deprivation of life. Previously, the UNHRC  has suggested that ‘deprivation of life based in discrimination in law or fact is ipso facto arbitrary in nature’ (emphasis added) (UNHRC General Comment No. 36, para. 61).  

Although it may be too early to know for certain, the interaction between deaths in custody and the RDA is likely to provide a renewed platform where human rights jurisprudence can be developed in Australia.  

Alan Zheng is an LLB Honours candidate at the University of Sydney researching racial discrimination law. 

Is The United States’ Post 9/11 Surveillance State Effective? – Tooru Nishido

With the 20th anniversary of 9/11 having recently passed, this article aims to briefly outline the history of the post-9/11 data surveillance apparatus operated by the United States, how it impacts the international community, including Australia, and whether the surveillance apparatus has been effective in preventing further terrorist attacks.

Introduction

In the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the United States Congress enacted sweeping legislation that expanded the counterterrorism data surveillance framework in direct response to perceived intelligence shortfalls. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act 1978 (FISA) is the principal piece of legislation underpinning most surveillance activities conducted by the US globally. However, three critical pieces of legislation amended FISA post-9/11: the USA PATRIOT Act 2001FISA Amendments Act 2008 and USA FREEDOM Act 2015. These provided various government entities, including the National Security Agency (NSA), broader data surveillance powers across existing and emerging communication technologies. The acceptance and proliferation of bulk data surveillance was largely unchallenged until 2013 when Edward Snowden, an NSA contractor, disclosed documents which exposed the true scope of the US intelligence community’s data surveillance activities

The US Data Surveillance Framework

Under FISA, a specialised secret court, the FISA Court (FISC), was established to hear applications for various surveillance warrants and activities related to classified information. The purpose behind this was to reduce potential unauthorised disclosures and avoid typical procedural or evidential requirements. The FISC is composed of Federal District Court judges who are appointed by the Supreme Court Chief Justice and serve seven-year terms. Application hearings are typically conducted secretly and ex parte before a single judge with at least one judge available 24/7 to authorise emergency applications. 

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The Origins of the Right to a Healthy Environment in the Inter-American Human Rights System — Merve Kilic

For more than two decades, the interrelation of the enjoyment of human rights and a healthy environment has been recognised in the Inter-American Human Rights System. This shows that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have been willing to interpret the legislative framework — consisting primarily of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man (the ‘American Declaration’) — in light of changing conditions. Further, in the case of Bámaca-Velásquez v. Guatemala (2000), the Court highlighted the importance of intergenerational justice by stating that the concept of ‘solidarity’ involves past, present and future generations, which also challenges the individualism that has dominated human rights protection (at [23]).

In the Inter-American human rights system, access to protection regarding the right to a healthy environment of individuals and communities is highly possible, since victims, third persons, or NGOs can bring cases before the Commission and Court. Their jurisprudence has mainly been developed in the context of claims of the right to property of indigenous peoples in the case of environmental destruction, which is an important step in the development of a broader approach for general interest (see, for example, the cases of Saramaka People v. Suriname and Mayagna (Sumo) Awas Tingni Community v. Nicaragua). 

In particular, the Inuit petition, which was submitted to the Commission in 2005, changed the dialogue around climate change and its interrelation with human rights. In that case, the petitioners argued that the lack of policy for protecting them from greenhouse gas emissions amounted to a violation of their human rights. However, the Commission refused to proceed with the claim, reasoning that the petitioners failed to provide sufficient information on whether the claim was within the scope of the rights protected ​under the American Declaration. Nonetheless, after that case, a new understanding took shape in the region regarding a healthy environment and its relationship with human rights.

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The right development: brief reflections as the UN finally recognises the right to a healthy environment – Jared Wilk

The United Nations Human Rights Council recently recognised a human right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment, in a historic moment for human rights law and environmental activism. This post briefly explains the development and ventures some observations on its potential significance.

Reportedly, pollution was responsible for 9 million premature deaths in 2015 alone. When accounting for the increased disease and lower standards of living caused, the toll of pollution on human life is staggering. The climate crisis poses significant threats to life, health, food and water security, housing, political stability and a range of human rights, with its impacts to be felt disproportionately by vulnerable populations. The Holocene extinction event continues gathering pace. It is in this context, on 8 October 2021, that the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) momentously recognised the human right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment (RHE). The resolution (Res 48/13) was led by Costa Rica, Maldives, Morocco, Slovenia and Switzerland, inter alia. Russia, China, India and Japan abstained. 

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International Human Rights Law ‘In Here’: Bail Reform in Victoria – Jennifer Keene-McCann

Jennifer Keene-McCann brings international human rights law home to Victoria’s Bail Act 1977.  

When I teach international law, I often wave my hands in the air separating the ‘domestic sphere’ and the ‘international sphere’. This separation, I explain, is how something could be lawful in the domestic sphere but unlawful in the international. Australia is a dualist system; we can commit to particular principles on the international stage and choose not to implement them domestically.  

This separation is partly why I imagine many domestic practitioners do not see international law as a part of their ‘toolbox’ – it exists ‘out there’ somewhere. But international legal principles provide excellent support for strategic litigation.  

A perfect example of this is bail.  

Victoria further tightened its laws in 2017 and 2018 by increasing the number of offences subject to what is referred to as a ‘reverse onus’ test for granting bail (outlined further below). Now, there is growing concern that not only are provisions in Victoria’s Bail Act 1977  (Bail Act or the Act) too harsh, they are also disproportionately effecting Victoria’s most vulnerable.  

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The War on Human Rights: Countering Duterte’s dismissal of the ICC Probe

Aisiri Raj, Rahul Rajasekar and Lekha Suki make a case for extending International Criminal Responsibility to Filipino President Duterte and the law enforcement officials for their failure to guarantee the right to life and protect their civilians from the unjustified use of force by the police officials. 

In June 2021, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) requested judicial authorisation to investigate extrajudicial killings in the Philippines, bringing Philippine President Duterte’s ‘War on Drugs’ campaign back into the spotlight. Since 2016, over 7,000 such killings have been reported, and only one instance resulted in the conviction of police officials for the use of excessive force. However, President Duterte is largely dismissive of the probe, asserting that the War on Drugs is a sovereign exercise in the interest of national security and justifying extrajudicial killings as the law enforcement personnel’s right to self-defence. This article analyses the failure of the State to guarantee the right to life and to protect its civilians from the unjustified use of force by police officials in the Philippines. 

The Justification of Self-Defence under International Human Rights Law 

Under the assertion of self-defence, the wide-ranging powers granted to police forces in the Philippines do not follow the requisite due process obligations to conduct investigations and collect evidence but instead use lethal and unjustified force on ‘mere suspicion’ that individuals might be in possession of illicit drugs. According to the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement, force can only be used as a last resort when other means are ineffective. The absence of verbal warnings and directions by police to surrender violates the binding principles of necessity and proportionality under the general principles governing the use of force. This principle has been recognised by the Supreme Court of Philippines, which held that the presence of an ‘imminent threat’ is the required threshold for exercising proportionate self-defence in the course of public duty.  

The Philippines, being a State Party to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), must guarantee the right to life to all its civilians. The justification of self-defence is not absolute in International Human Rights Law (IHRL), where the right to life is non-derogable, and its deprivation cannot be arbitrary. The blanket justification of self-defence by the law enforcement was similarly invoked in Suarez De Guerrero v Colombia (Communication No 45/1979) and was rejected by the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee on the grounds that disproportionate killing of suspects is an arbitrary deprivation of the right to life under Article 6(1) of the ICCPR.  

Further, the acts of the police officials violate the drug suspect’s right to fair trial under Article 10 of the UDHR by denying them the opportunity to be heard and the right to legal counsel. The arbitrary manner in which the killings were carried out violates the requirement of presumption of innocence under Article 14(2) of the ICCPR, whereby a suspect’s guilt must be determined by affording them a fair and impartial trial. This arguably represents a complete failure of the constitutional machinery as well as the judiciary in the Philippines in ensuring access to justice. The Philippines has violated its obligations under IHRL since the acts of law enforcement do not constitute a justified use of self-defence which, as explained below, is a relevant finding for the ICC’s jurisdiction to prosecute. 

Criminal Responsibility for Crimes against Humanity under International Criminal Law  

According to the Special Prosecutor’s Office of the ICC, the actions taken pursuant to the “War on Drugs” policy may constitute crimes against humanity under Article 7 of the Rome Statute. The authors are of the opinion that the War on Drugs satisfies the elements of Article 7 for the following reasons: 

  1. First, it is an organised state-sanctioned policy with large-scale, systematic violence committed against the civilian population. 
  1. Secondly, President Duterte’s explicit orders require law enforcement to arbitrarily kill all drug suspects, indicating the presence of mens rea to carry out such acts. 
  1. Lastly, mens rea is further evident in the actions of the State by granting complete impunity from prosecution to the police responsible for such mass atrocities and perversely rewarding them for extrajudicial killings

The large-scale and widespread nature of this deprivation of life constitutes a systematic ‘murder’ of civilians under International Criminal Law (ICL), specifically under Article 7(1)(a) of the Rome Statute. The proximity between IHRL and ICL implies that serious violations of human rights are regarded as crimes against humanity. For instance, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in Prosecutor v Karadzić (Case no IT-95-5/18-T, 6 April 2009)  noted the confluence between the deprivation of human rights and crimes against humanity in instances of torture and rape, as an attack on human dignity. This can be reasonably applied to the present case as murder in the form of extrajudicial killings are IHRL and ICL violations worthy of prosecution by the ICC.  

President Duterte’s claims that the ICC has no jurisdiction over the Philippines due to its withdrawal from the ICC in 2019. However, international criminal responsibility would be extended to President Duterte and the law enforcement officials responsible for mass atrocities committed, as a termination of consent to the Rome Statute does not constitute immunity from prosecution since the ICC retains jurisdiction over crimes committed during the time the Philippines was a State Party from 2011 to 2019.

Failure of R2P Obligations 

The refusal of the Filipino Government to acknowledge the human rights violations, investigate and order State agents to stand down, is reflective of the failure of its responsibility to protect (R2P) obligations to its civilians. This norm places an obligation on States to guarantee to their civilian population the basic human rights of safety and security to prevent mass atrocities in their territory.  

Pillar I of R2P emphasises the sovereign responsibility to monitor and prevent any atrocity before it occurs through effective cognisance, sanction, monitoring and fair trial.  In casu, the existing state structures such as the National Prosecution Service under the Department of Justice required to initiate prosecutions on human rights violations, the National Ombudsman, which is constitutionally empowered to undertake investigations in cases of unlawful and illegal acts of the police, and the National Human Rights Council, have failed to prevent mass killings and protect the rights of the civilians. The welfare approach of R2P places a responsibility on the Philippines to protect and guarantee the welfare of its population. However, Duterte’s government deems countering narcotics through extrajudicial killings as the most suitable way to handle the drug problem.  

The international community has remained silent over the UN Human Rights Council’s failure to investigate the extrajudicial killings in the country. As Gallagher et al note, Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) States, China and Russia value diplomatic relations and the principle of non-interference, and have maintained that the War on Drugs is a domestic concern, legitimising the stance of the Filipino Government. Therefore, the initiation of the ICC Probe is a means of upholding Pillar II of the R2P, the responsibility of the international community to assist States in protecting their populations, as it attempts to launch an international investigation to punish President Duterte and the law enforcement officials, who are accountable for the mass killing of their population. Therefore, it is necessary for the rest of the international community to take collective action and support the work of the UNHRC and the ICC to ensure justice for the victims of state violence in the Philippines.  

Aisiri Raj, Rahul Rajasekar & Lekha Suki are fourth year Law (Honours) Students at School of Law, Christ University, Bengaluru, with academic and professional experience in International Human Rights Law, Constitutional Law and Public Policy in India.

Event: ‘Armed Conflict, Technology and Human Rights’, 26 August 2021

The International Law Association (Australian Branch) is pleased to announce its second in a series of online lunch-time panels showcasing the work of early career international lawyers.

This event follows the first panel on “Intersections of International Environmental Law with National Jurisdictions” featuring speakers Carina Bury of Universität Hamburg and Millicent McCreath of UNSW Law & Justice, chair Justice Nicola Pain of the Land and Environment Court of New South Wales, and commentator Dr Emma Carmody of the Environmental Defenders Office and Legal Advisor to the Secretariat of the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands on 22 July 2021. A recording will be made available of this session.

This second panel is focused on “Armed Conflict, Technology and Human Rights” and features speakers Aneta Paretko of the University of Melbourne speaking on ‘A Human Rights Framework for Dealing with the Female Foreign Fighters of Islamic State’ and Helen Stamp of the University of Western Australia presenting on ‘Meaningful Assessments of Liability for Incidents involving Autonomous Weapons Systems: Informing Traditional Legal Forums through the Use of Algorithmic Accountability’. The event will be chaired by Molly Thomas of the International Criminal Court and the ILA Reporter and will feature commentator Dr Simon McKenzie of the University of Queensland. The panel will be held online on Thursday 26 August 2021 from 1:00 pm to 2:00 pm AEST. Registration is free and through Eventbrite.

Future panels (with further details to be circulated) include ‘International Criminal Law: Practitioner Perspectives’ (September 16) and ‘International Investment Law’ (October). A flyer is included below.

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Opportunity Lost: The ECtHR’s Restrictive Approach Re-ignites Vacuum between Human Rights and Humanitarian Law – Alessandro Silvestri

In Georgia v Russia (II), the European Court of Human Rights (‘ECtHR’ or ‘Court’) was asked to decide on numerous alleged breaches of human rights by the Russian Federation (‘Russia’) during a five-day armed conflict between Georgia and Russia. Despite the legal trend favouring the complementarity between International Human Rights Law (‘IHRL’) and International Humanitarian Law (‘IHL’), the Court ultimately held that Russia lacked jurisdiction over extraterritorial breaches of human rights under art 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights (‘ECHR’ or ‘Convention’), signalling a regrettable turnaround from recent case-law.

The ECtHR was handed the perfect opportunity to move past, as rightly underscored by Judge Chanturia, the legally ‘lifeless’ Bankovićdecision and enrich the interplay between IHRL and IHL in Georgia v Russia (II),but ultimately failed to do so. 

For legal purposes, the events under scrutiny may be divided in two parts. The first part concerned the armed conflict between Georgia and Russia, with South Ossetians and Abkhaz forces also playing an important role. Hostilities started on the night of 7 to 8 August 2008 and lasted for about five days, resulting in significant losses, including an alarming number of civilian casualties. Secondly, following a ceasefire, Georgia submitted that Russia perpetrated a number of human rights abuses, including the killings and displacement of civilians, the degrading treatment of civilians and prisoners of war, lootings and destruction of civilian objects, which would constitute significant violations of the ECHR. The scope of this written work is to assess the ECtHR’s approach to the first part and assess whether said approach adequately grasped the interplay between IHRL and IHL, as the latter comprises the body of international law applicable to armed conflicts.

The interplay between IHRL and IHL has been subject to much scrutiny in international law. It is internationally recognised that the two bodies of international law are mutually complementary, thus meaning that the protection of certain human rights, in particular, as the International Court of Justice in its Advisory Opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons argued at § 25, the ‘right not arbitrarily to be deprived of one’s life’, does not cease during armed conflict (see also Orakhelashvili and the ICTY in Prosecutor v Kunarac et al§ 467). On the other hand, the ‘intricate legal issues of interplay that sometimes arise’ have arguably posed practical challenges in the way the interplay is to be understood, such as matters of derogation, jurisdiction, discretion, accountability, etc. (see also Bethlehem, 180– 82). The opportunity Georgia v Russia (II) presented for furthering the interpretation of applicable human rights norms in situations of armed conflict was therefore invaluable.

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A Review of the Malabo Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights – Part II: Corporate Complicity in International Crimes – Jessie Chella

This is the second article in a two-part series examining the Malabo Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR). When it comes into effect, the Malabo Protocol will empower the ACJHR to exercise jurisdiction over international crimes as well as introduce a regulatory scheme for corporate criminal liability. The first part of this series outlined the scope of the Court’s new jurisdiction with respect to international and transboundary offences. This second part explores the new corporate criminal liability provisions in more detail.

Traditionally, only natural persons could be prosecuted for the commission of international crimes in either domestic or international jurisdictions. Corporate criminal liability has been recognised in most domestic jurisdictions, but not under international criminal law. The ACJHR is set to change this with the introduction of Malabo Protocol provisions regarding the international criminal jurisdiction of the court (Article 28A), and a regulatory scheme for corporate criminal liability (Article 46C).

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Emerging human rights norms on climate change displacement – Annika Reynolds

This article analyses emerging international human rights law jurisprudence on climate change displacement and the right to life, notably Ioane Teitiota v New Zealand. This case is the first time the Human Rights Committee has recognised climate change is a threat to the right to life, and thus that states may have non-refoulement obligations to ensure ‘climate change refugees’ are not returned to dangerous environmental conditions. This article will first critically analyse Ioane Teitiota v New Zealand, before discussing how these emerging human rights norms on climate change displacement are expanding state obligations to address climate change.

The South Pacific is at the forefront of climate change, often portrayed as a region drowning in rising seas. The IPCC reports that the mean sea level of the tropical South Pacific is rising faster than the global average, increasing the frequency of extreme weather events, salination of fresh water sources, and predictions of territory loss in the coming decades. These changes heighten food and water insecurity, contribute to higher disaster-related fatalities and damage, and increase migration and the risk of inter-communal violence.This emerging reality has been labelled by the Human Rights Council as a ‘pressing’ human rights threat, notably to the right to life with dignity. Indeed, in Ioane Teitiota v New Zealand, the Human Rights Committee accepted that climate change was a threat to life that would make countries like Kiribati ‘uninhabitable’ in the coming decades. But human rights – deemed inalienable and fundamental – exist in tension with another pillar of international law – state sovereignty.

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